The Polls—Trends Economic Evaluations and Political Change in Chile, 1966 to 2018

Abstract:
Over the past half century, Chile has fluctuated wildly in terms of economic prosperity and democratic health. Using 78 surveys archived at the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research, we document the evolution of Chileans’ perceptions of their personal, family, and national economic conditions during major political and economic changes. The data show that prior to the Pinochet dictatorship, despite a growing economic crisis, Chileans’ perceptions of their family’s economic situation—particularly among the lower socio-economic class—improved, suggesting that Allende’s social and economic policies may have had their intended effect. In contrast, through the democratic transition and the contemporary period, economic evaluations typically tracked objective economic conditions. We conclude by discussing how these patterns can inform public opinion research in Latin America and beyond. The public’s evaluations of the economy are thought to influence future economic conditions (e.g., Barsky and Sims 2012; Lahiri, Monokroussos, and Zhao 2016) as well as political factors, such as vote choice, presidential approval, congressional approval, trust in government, and regime stability (e.g., Holbrook 1994; Durr, Gilmour, and Wolbrecht 1997; Chanley, Rudolph, and Rahn 2000; Acemoglu and Robinson 2001; Erikson, MacKuen, and Stimson 2002; Morrison 2009; Enns and Richman 2013). Yet, beyond the United States Peter K. Enns is an associate professor in the Department of Government and executive director of the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research at Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA. Jose T. Sanchez Gomez is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Government at Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA. The authors thank Ryan Carlin, Gustavo Flores-Macias, Jana Morgan, Patricio Navia, Jenny Pribble, Ken Roberts, and Kathleen Weldon for helpful comments on previous versions of this article. Sanchez Gomez thanks the Andrew Kohut Fellowship at the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research at Cornell University and the Herbert I. Flournoy Fellowship from Cornell’s Government Department. *Address correspondence to Peter K. Enns, Cornell University, Department of Government, 205 White Hall, Ithaca, NY 14853-7901, USA; email: peterenns@cornell.edu. Public Opinion Quarterly doi:10.1093/poq/nfz029 D ow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com /poq/advance-articleoi/10.1093/poq/nfz029/5554702 by AAPO R M em er Acess user on 31 Agust 2019 and a handful of other countries with advanced economies, we know relatively little about the dynamics of economic perceptions and how they relate to economic and political conditions. To highlight the value of considering other contexts, we use data from the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research at Cornell University to examine more than a half century of Chilean economic attitudes. The data offer an unprecedented look at economic evaluations during economic booms and busts as well as democratic breakdown and revival. During the period of analysis, Chile transitioned from a democracy to a dictatorship (1973) and then back to a democracy (1990). The period also includes the 1972–1973 Chilean economic crisis, the late 1990s economic crisis in Latin America, the post-2008 global recession, and the contemporary period when Chile drastically reduced extreme poverty, more than tripled its economy, and joined the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. In addition to offering historical insight into economic perceptions in one of the most important economies of Latin America, Chile is an informative case because the extreme political and economic variation it experienced parallels the political and economic volatility of many other Latin American countries. Although scholars have analyzed a variety of historical public opinion data in Chile (Prothro and Chaparro 1974; Bermeo 2003; Madrid 2005; Carlin, Love, and Martinez-Gallardo 2015; Navia and Osorio 2015, 2017; Cabezas and Navia 2019), Chilean economic evaluations have received much less attention than economic attitudes in other Latin American countries (e.g., Kelly 2003; Carlin and Hunt 2015). We seek to build on this literature by offering a comprehensive overview of the Chilean public’s economic views. The patterns we highlight will also be of interest to public opinion scholars who focus on the United States and other advanced industrial democracies. The immense political and economic variation in countries like Chile allows an assessment of scope conditions of existing theories and opportunities to develop new theories about the causes and consequences of economic evaluations. For example, the relationship between economic conditions and vote choice in Latin America appears more complicated than in advanced democracies (Singer and Carlin 2013; Valdini and Lewis-Beck 2018). It is also possible that the political determinants of economic attitudes found in the United States (De Boef and Kellstedt 2004; Enns, Kellstedt, and McAvoy 2012) manifest differently in alternate institutional settings and in times of great political or economic change. The data we present could also speak to the generalizability of asymmetric responses to good and bad economic information (Soroka 2006, 2014) and whether economic opinion follows or leads economic news (Wlezien, Soroka, and Stecula 2017). This article first considers data prior to the Pinochet dictatorship (1966 to 1973), which includes the presidencies of Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964– 1970) and Salvador Allende (1970–1973). We then evaluate the transition to democracy, defined here as the final two years of Pinochet’s dictatorship Enns and Sanchez Gomez Page 2 of 13 D ow naded rom http/academ ic.p.com /poq/advance-articleoi/10.1093/poq/nfz029/5554702 by AAPO R M em er Acess user on 31 Agust 2019 (1988–1990), the first democratic election (December 1989), and the period up to the end of the first democratic administration (March 1994). Last, we examine the period of democratic consolidation: 1994 to 2018. The analysis presented herein highlights how these surveys can offer important insights into the impact of Allende’s social and economic policies, how economic perceptions shift before and after major political transitions, and the relationship between economic conditions and perceptions across diverse political and economic climates. Political Shifts and Democratic Breakdown (1966–1973) This section examines economic evaluations from 12 surveys from 1966 to 1973 (CEDOP/Hamuy Polls, Roper Center for Public Opinion Research), a period that precedes the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. These years include the presidencies of Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964–1970), from the Christian Democratic Party (center), and Salvador Allende (1970–1973), from the Popular Unity coalition (left).1 The surveys were conducted in the capital, Santiago, which included about 30 percent of the total population at the time.2 Although not shown here, the Roper Center also holds surveys conducted in the second (Valparaiso) and fourth (Viña del Mar) largest Chilean cities during this period. The data patterns in these cities largely parallel the results for Santiago. Figure 1 reports Santiago residents’ evaluations of their families’ retrospective economic situation compared to the previous year. This question, which was the only economic question during the period, asked: “Considering the last 12 months, would you say that your family has improved its economic situation, stayed the same, or worsened?” In figures 1–3, when more than one survey was conducted in a single year, we present the average of the surveys. The online appendix includes tables with all survey marginals.3 The years during Allende’s presidency (November 1970 to September 1973) are especially noteworthy. During this period, the increasingly positive views of family economic conditions moved opposite to deteriorating economic conditions. Economic growth, inflation, and the annual increase in real wages were all much better in 1970 than in 1972 and 1973. Specifically, in 1970, 1971, 1972, and 1973, the economic growth rates were 3.6, 8.0, –0.1, and –4.3; the annual inflation rates were 36.1, 22.1, 260.5, and 605.1; and the annual increases of real wages were 8.5, 22.3, –11.3, and –38.6 (Larrain and and a handful of other countries with advanced economies, we know relatively little about the dynamics of economic perceptions and how they relate to economic and political conditions. To highlight the value of considering other contexts, we use data from the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research at Cornell University to examine more than a half century of Chilean economic attitudes. The data offer an unprecedented look at economic evaluations during economic booms and busts as well as democratic breakdown and revival. During the period of analysis, Chile transitioned from a democracy to a dictatorship (1973) and then back to a democracy (1990). The period also includes the 1972–1973 Chilean economic crisis, the late 1990s economic crisis in Latin America, the post-2008 global recession, and the contemporary period when Chile drastically reduced extreme poverty, more than tripled its economy, and joined the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. In addition to offering historical insight into economic perceptions in one of the most important economies of Latin America, Chile is an informative case because the extreme political and economic variation it experienced parallels the political and economic volatility of many other Latin American countries. Although scholars have analyzed a variety of historical public opinion data in Chile (Prothro and Chaparro 1974; Bermeo 2003; Madrid 2005; Carlin, Love, and Martinez-Gallardo 2015; Navia and Osorio 2015, 2017; Cabezas and Navia 2019), Chilean economic evaluations have received much less attention than economic attitudes in other Latin American countries (e.g., Kelly 2003; Carlin and Hunt 2015). We seek to
Author Listing: Peter K. Enns;Jose T Sanchez Gomez
Volume: 83
Pages: 627-639
DOI: 10.1093/poq/nfz029
Language: English
Journal: Public Opinion Quarterly

PUBLIC OPINION QUARTERLY

PUBLIC OPIN QUART

影响因子:2.7 是否综述期刊:是 是否OA:否 是否预警:不在预警名单内 发行时间:- ISSN:0033-362X 发刊频率:- 收录数据库:Scopus收录 出版国家/地区:- 出版社:Oxford University Press

期刊介绍

年发文量 49
国人发稿量 -
国人发文占比 0%
自引率 10.3%
平均录取率 -
平均审稿周期 -
版面费 -
偏重研究方向 Multiple-
期刊官网 https://academic.oup.com/poq
投稿链接 -

质量指标占比

研究类文章占比 OA被引用占比 撤稿占比 出版后修正文章占比
96.49% 19.75% 0.00% 0.00%

相关指数

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期刊预警不是论文评价,更不是否定预警期刊发表的每项成果。《国际期刊预警名单(试行)》旨在提醒科研人员审慎选择成果发表平台、提示出版机构强化期刊质量管理。

预警期刊的识别采用定性与定量相结合的方法。通过专家咨询确立分析维度及评价指标,而后基于指标客观数据产生具体名单。

具体而言,就是通过综合评判期刊载文量、作者国际化程度、拒稿率、论文处理费(APC)、期刊超越指数、自引率、撤稿信息等,找出那些具备风险特征、具有潜在质量问题的学术期刊。最后,依据各刊数据差异,将预警级别分为高、中、低三档,风险指数依次减弱。

《国际期刊预警名单(试行)》确定原则是客观、审慎、开放。期刊分区表团队期待与科研界、学术出版机构一起,夯实科学精神,打造气正风清的学术诚信环境!真诚欢迎各界就预警名单的分析维度、使用方案、值得关切的期刊等提出建议!

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WOS期刊SCI分区是指SCI官方(Web of Science)为每个学科内的期刊按照IF数值排 序,将期刊按照四等分的方法划分的Q1-Q4等级,Q1代表质量最高,即常说的1区期刊。
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关于2019年中科院分区升级版(试行)

分区表升级版(试行)旨在解决期刊学科体系划分与学科发展以及融合趋势的不相容问题。由于学科交叉在当代科研活动的趋势愈发显著,学科体系构建容易引发争议。为了打破学科体系给期刊评价带来的桎梏,“升级版方案”首先构建了论文层级的主题体系,然后分别计算每篇论文在所属主题的影响力,最后汇总各期刊每篇论文分值,得到“期刊超越指数”,作为分区依据。

分区表升级版(试行)的优势:一是论文层级的主题体系既能体现学科交叉特点,又可以精准揭示期刊载文的多学科性;二是采用“期刊超越指数”替代影响因子指标,解决了影响因子数学性质缺陷对评价结果的干扰。整体而言,分区表升级版(试行)突破了期刊评价中学科体系构建、评价指标选择等瓶颈问题,能够更为全面地揭示学术期刊的影响力,为科研评价“去四唯”提供解决思路。相关研究成果经过国际同行的认可,已经发表在科学计量学领域国际重要期刊。

《2019年中国科学院文献情报中心期刊分区表升级版(试行)》首次将社会科学引文数据库(SSCI)期刊纳入到分区评估中。升级版分区表(试行)设置了包括自然科学和社会科学在内的18个大类学科。基础版和升级版(试行)将过渡共存三年时间,推测在此期间各大高校和科研院所仍可能会以基础版为考核参考标准。 提示:中科院分区官方微信公众号“fenqubiao”仅提供基础版数据查询,暂无升级版数据,请注意区分。

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版本 大类学科 小类学科 Top期刊 综述期刊
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2021年12月
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2020年12月
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COMMUNICATION
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POLITICAL SCIENCE
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SOCIAL SCIENCES, INTERDISCIPLINARY
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2022年12月
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